Programa de Pós-Graduação em Serviço Social
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Master Thesis Diversidade sexual e Serviço Social no Brasil (2007-2024): panorama histórico e fundamentos teórico-metodológicos da produção intelectual(Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2026-01-30) Mendonça, Leovictor Alves Porto; Santos, Silvana Mara de Morais dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2706150547032239; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9355141200454405; Reis, Marcelo Braz Moraes dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7456350323134000; Chagas, Bárbara da Rocha Figueiredo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2654942987139603This dissertation aims to analyze knowledge production in Brazilian Social Work graduate programs on sexual diversity between 2007 and 2024 in public universities. It is based on the understanding that such production is marked by theoretical-methodological tensions, adopting as an analytical key the socio-historical determinations of the interaction between Social Work, the Marxist tradition, and the relationship with sexual diversity. To this end, the study examines the historicity of debates on sexual diversity within Social Work, graduate-level knowledge production in the field, and the main theoretical-methodological trends present in these studies. Grounded in historical-dialectical materialism, sexual diversity is understood as an expression of human diversity and, therefore, inseparable from the structural determinations of capitalist sociability. Methodologically, the research is characterized as a bibliographic and documentary study of both quantitative and qualitative nature, using data collected from the Plataforma Sucupira. The main results indicate a mapping of 72 studies (54 master’s theses and 18 doctoral dissertations) in Social Work and Social Policy graduate programs. Regionally, Brazil’s Northeast leads production, accounting for 40.3% of the total. The analysis identifies four predominant thematic axes: (I) Public Policies, Human Rights, and Social Movements; (II) Conservatism and LGBTphobia; (III) Labor, Class, and Social Relations of Oppression; and (IV) Professional Education and Knowledge Production. Three theoretical-methodological trends were identified in studies on sexual diversity: historical-critical Marxist, subjectivist postmodern, and eclectic-conciliatory. The research reveals significant theoretical-methodological tension between works grounded in the Marxist tradition—linking sexual diversity to class struggle and social totality—and studies adopting other perspectives. The latter tend to focus on fragmented, subjectivist, and identity-based dimensions, often detached from the structural determinations of the system of Capital. The study concludes that sexual diversity must be understood as an ontological component of social being. Strengthening this debate requires reaffirming the perspective of totality in order to confront political-critical emptying and ensure alignment with Social Work’s Professional Ethical-Political Project toward human emancipation.Master Thesis A política de assistência estudantil e a dimensão político pedagógica do Serviço Social nas Universidades Federais da Região Nordeste(Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2025-12-16) Nascimento, José Elias do; Oliveira, Carla Montefusco de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8840103320001811; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0908958406907863; Santos, Silvana Mara de Morais dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2706150547032239; Souza, Iris de Lima; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5062-6752; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7742703590083405The work of social workers in education is firmly rooted in the tradition of social work and has gained significant notoriety with the inclusion of these professionals in academic support programs. Based on this reality, the main objective of this dissertation is to analyze, based on the knowledge produced by Social Work, the characteristics of the political-pedagogical dimension of the work of social workers who work in Student Assistance Policy at Federal Universities in the Northeast Region, in the period between 2016 and 2024. This scope is achieved through the specific objectives outlined below: to investigate the development of knowledge production in Social Work with regard to student assistance, focusing on the Northeast Region; to identify, in the sample investigated, the occurrence of elements that relate the work of social workers in student assistance policy and educational praxis; and analyzing the professional duties and competencies of social workers in Student Assistance Policy. To this end, knowledge produced by the professional category is taken from graduate programs in Social Work at federal universities in the Northeast Region of Brazil and from the work of events in the category, such as ENPESS and CBAS, during the period stipulated for the research. A qualitative bibliographic and documentary research is undertaken as a course of action. The research is guided by historical-dialectical materialism and uses its categories as the main basis for interpreting the phenomena expressed in the textual productions. The IRaMuTeQ software emerges as an essential resource for identifying and synthesizing the situation at hand. From the reading of social reality emanating from the production of knowledge and the documents analyzed, it can be inferred that the politicalpedagogical dimension is expressed as a strategic potential for overcoming the limits of everyday life and is based on: the necessary expansion of its relative autonomy; the uncompromising defense of freedom; the struggle for the rights to public, secular, and quality education; and the consolidation of human emancipation.Master Thesis Serviço social e a luta anticapacitista: uma análise da incorporação dessa pauta pelo conjunto CFESS-CRESS(Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2025-08-28) Souza, Juciara Gomes de Matos; Silva, Eliana Andrade da; Almeida, Janaiky Pereira de; Melo, Danielly Sposito Pessoa deLa lucha de las personas con discapacidad implica, ante todo, garantizar una existencia digna y plena para cada individuo, en todas las etapas de la vida, independientemente de las condiciones que lo lleven a experimentar la discapacidad. En este sentido, la lucha anticapacitista busca afirmar que los impedimentos corporales no constituyen limitaciones inherentes al sujeto y que cada persona con discapacidad o neurodivergente debe tener plenamente reconocidas y desarrolladas sus potencialidades. Esta disertación se propuso analizar cómo el Trabajo Social brasileño incorpora la lucha anticapacitista desde la perspectiva del Conjunto CFESS-CRESS y comprender los determinantes de dicha aproximación. En cuanto a los objetivos específicos de la investigación, se buscó: identificar los fundamentos de la aproximación entre el Trabajo Social y los movimientos de lucha de las personas con discapacidad; caracterizar el capacitismo y el anticapacitismo en los Estudios de la Discapacidad, sus banderas, agendas de lucha y puntos de convergencia, consenso y disenso que se expresan en el Conjunto CFESS-CRESS; y aprehender el proceso sociohistórico de incorporación de la lucha anticapacitista en las discusiones del Conjunto CFESS-CRESS. Metodológicamente, el estudio se orientó por el método de análisis crítico-dialéctico, a la luz de la perspectiva marxista. Se adoptó un enfoque cualitativo, utilizando la investigación bibliográfica y documental. En la investigación bibliográfica se recurrió a autoras y autores del área del Trabajo Social y de los Estudios de la Discapacidad. La investigación documental incluyó documentos publicados en el sitio web del CFESS, considerando como recorte temporal los trienios “¡Es de Batallas que se Vive la Vida!” (2017-2020), “Mejor ir a la Lucha con Raza y Clase en Defensa del Trabajo Social” (2020- 2023) y “¡Que Nuestras Voces Resuenen Vida-Libertad!” (2023-2026), debido a la presencia significativa del debate sobre discapacidad y lucha anticapacitista en el Conjunto CFESSCRESS durante dicho período. Se seleccionaron once (11) documentos que, de manera efectiva, abordaron los elementos demandados por el objeto de la investigación. Insertos en contextos históricos y sociales específicos, estos documentos reflejaron posicionamientos colectivos de la categoría profesional y desempeñaron un papel importante en la difusión de estas temáticas. Finalmente, los datos obtenidos fueron tratados e interpretados mediante la técnica de análisis de contenido. La relevancia de este debate se mostró indiscutiblemente prioritaria en el Trabajo Social, considerando que involucra un segmento de la clase trabajadora que no solo constituye una parte significativa de las y los usuarios de las políticas públicas y sociales, sino que también está representado entre las y los trabajadores sociales brasileños, conformando el perfil de la categoría profesional.Master Thesis A LGBTIFobia infantojuvenil: a livre expressão da sexualidade como direito sexual de crianças e adolescentes(Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2025-07-24) Souza, Tathiane Conceição Silva de; Santos, Silvana Mara de Morais dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2706150547032239; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6754357341029648; Silva, Andrea Lima da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2628383920215926; Oliveira, Tiberio Lima; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4717-1408; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9455349090568465; Ferreira, Verônica Maria; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0753-9223; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2112445114925319This master's dissertation aims to investigate LGBTphobia directed at children and adolescents as a form of violation of their sexual rights. To this end, it analyzes the Brazilian context throughout the 2010s, a period marked by significant political developments, notably the rise of neoconservatism. The "Demonstrations of June 2013" represent a pivotal moment in contemporary Brazilian politics, occurring amid a broader economic, social, and political crisis that catalyzed ideological and political disputes. Central to these disputes were debates concerning sexual and reproductive rights, particularly those of women and the political agenda in defense of LGBTI+ rights. The protests initially emerged as expressions of discontent from various social groups dissatisfied with living conditions and access to public services, set against the backdrop of the declining effectiveness of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) class conciliation policies. This study approaches the protests in two phases: the first phase is characterized by legitimate political contestation against the capitalist mode of production and its particular manifestations in Brazil, which prioritized market demands over the needs of the working population, especially its most marginalized and historically oppressed sectors. The second phase was marked by the appropriation of the demonstrations by conservative reactionary movements, which sought to reshape the political discourse and direction of the protests. The repercussions of these events were multifaceted and had a lasting impact on Brazilian society, especially in shaping political approaches to gender and sexuality. A particular focus was placed on the sexual rights of children and adolescents, framed within a human rights perspective emphasizing protection and promotion. Conservative political reaction began to materialize institutionally from the 2014 elections onward, culminating in the 2016 legal-parliamentary-media coup that led to the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff (PT). This political context was marked by the resurgence and proliferation of the "gender ideology" narrative, which promoted the defense of the socalled traditional family and advocated for the protection of children and adolescents from alleged threats such as early sexualization, homosexuality, and transgender identities. This narrative entailed a dispute over competing conceptions of childhood and adolescence.The central objective of this research is to understand sexual diversity in childhood and adolescence as a legitimate expression of sexual rights, and to analyze how these rights have been violated within the context of the conservative backlash in Brazil during the 2010s. More specifically, the study aims to examine the relationship between the rise of conservatism in Brazil and manifestations of LGBTphobia in the lives of LGBTI+ children and adolescents and identify how LGBTphobic violence affects this population. The research adopts the historical-dialectical materialist method to comprehend the multiple determinations influencing the research object, as well as its dynamics, structure, and essence, within a historical and totalizing perspective. Employing a qualitative approach, the study relies on bibliographic and documentary research strategies. The temporal scope spans from 2010 to 2024, a period that evidences the institutionalization of the conservative backlash within Brazilian political structures, media narratives, and public discourse, followed by the deepening of neoconservative ideologies. In the bibliographic component, the study draws upon authors who conceptualize sexual and gender diversity as intrinsic to human diversity, and who frame sexuality as a fundamental right of children and adolescents, thus affirming sexual diversity as present and legitimate across all stages of life, including childhood and adolescence. The documentary analysis includes reports such as “Mortes Violentas de LGBT+ no Brasil”, organized by the Grupo Gay da Bahia (GGB), and the “Observatório de Mortes Violentas de LGBT+ no Brasil”, produced jointly by Aliança Nacional LGBTI+, Instituto brasileiro de diversidade sexual e Grupo Dignidade —covering the years from 2011 to 2024. Among the principal findings of this dissertation, the study underscores the ideological power of the "gender ideology" narrative in shaping how sexual and gender diversity among children and adolescents is addressed in Brazilian society. This influence is reflected in the incitement of LGBTphobic crimes against this demographic, the perpetuation of sexual rights violations within family environments, the proposition of legislative initiatives that negate the existence of LGBTI+ individuals, especially those in the child and youth population, and the broader contestation of child and adolescent protection paradigms in Brazil.Master Thesis Pandemia do coronavírus e saúde quilombola: impactos, mobilização e resistência no Quilombo Capoeiras (RN)(Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2025-04-17) Nascimento, Larissa Tuane Lima do; Silva, Andrea Lima da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2628383920215926; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1026927796598564; Amoras, Maria do Socorro Rayol; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4427101624225075; Santos, Silvana Mara de Morais dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2706150547032239; Santos, Tassia Rejane Monte dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4477516247061576The racial issue in Brazil is complex and dates back to colonial history, influencing social relations to this day. Quilombola communities – specifically the Capoeiras community located in the municipality of Macaíba in the state of Rio Grande do Norte – are ethnic-racial groups with a history of resistance, in addition to facing challenges such as land regularization and access to basic rights, they also had to deal with the inefficiency of public policies and the need for greater support and recognition from the State in the context of the Coronavirus pandemic that has ravaged the world. The general objective of this study is to understand how quilombolas ensured their social reproduction and resisted during the health crisis. To this end, the following specific objectives were listed: a) to understand their organization and the processes of resistance of quilombos and b) to identify what interventions were provided by public authorities to quilombola communities regarding access to health policies and prevention and treatment of coronavirus. The research adopted a mixed approach, combining documentary and bibliographic content analysis, socioeconomic data collection and participant observation. Based on historical-dialectical materialism, the content analysis revealed that the rights of quilombolas acquired prior to the pandemic were violated and that the absence of effective public policies deepened vulnerabilities in the community. The results indicated that, in the face of state negligence, the community developed collective resistance strategies to face the crisis, with emphasis on the actions of quilombola women, who assumed a central role in community organization, mainly in the articulation of essential items, such as the production of cloth masks, distribution of alcohol gel and food, in addition to maintaining the dynamics of social ties. The resistance of women reaffirmed their fundamental and mobilizing role in the political and social structure of the Quilombola community of Capoeiras/Macaíba–RN, strengthening the collective identity of a quilombola community and its fight for ethnic-racial rights and effective public health policies that combat structural and institutional racism.Master Thesis A violência que grita e o Estado que cala: o financiamento das políticas sociais de enfrentamento à violência doméstica contra as mulheres à luz do ajuste fiscal no Brasil (2016-2022)(Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2025-07-25) Silva, Carla Júlia da; Barros, Ilena Felipe; Rodrigues, Larisse de Oliveira; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9281-5666; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5550946007100013; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4357-2618; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6139870110652061; Almeida, Janaiky Pereira de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0887860321591851; Santos, Michela Katiuscia Calaça Alves dos; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3694-4129; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9596131502685732La disertación que aquí se presenta centró sus esfuerzos en analizar el financiamiento de las políticas sociales de combate a la violencia doméstica y familiar contra las mujeres en Brasil, estableciendo el período de 2016 a 2022 como marco temporal de investigación. Partimos de la base de que, en las últimas décadas, por elementos estructurales y coyunturales, el agravamiento de la violencia contra las mujeres en el país ha ido en contra de un desfinanciamiento escalonado de los servicios públicos implicados en el abordaje de la problemática. En el centro de este debate están elementos como el conservadurismo, el neoliberalismo, el ajuste fiscal, los fondos públicos y los presupuestos públicos, dado que son éstas las estructuras que históricamente han determinado y condicionado los patrones de las políticas sociales en el país. El trabajo se desarrolló bajo la égida del materialismo histórico-dialéctico, estableciendo como camino metodológico una investigación cualitativa-cuantitativa, de carácter bibliográfico y documental. Se utilizaron tesis, artículos y otras producciones científicas que establecen diálogos con conceptos y categorías esenciales para el debate, como género, patriarcado, racismo, capitalismo, violencia, Estado y políticas sociales. Como marco teórico, buscamos dialogar con autores como Saffioti (1976; 1987; 2002; 2015); Harvey (2008; 2022); Iamamoto (2008; 2015); Hirata (2008), Salvador (2014; 2015; 2018; 2020) y Brettas (2020). En el intento de comprender simultáneamente el financiamiento de las políticas sociales y el aumento de la violencia doméstica contra las mujeres, también se utilizaron leyes como la Constitución Federal de 1988, la Ley no 11.340/2006 (Lei Maria da Penha), la Lei de Diretrizes Orçamentária (LDO), la Lei Orçamentária Anual (LOA) y la Enmienda Constitucional no 95. Además, se examinaron documentos institucionales, como los Planos Nacionais de Políticas para as Mulheres (PNPM) y los Planos Plurianuais (PPA). Finalmente, en esta investigación se aplicaron herramientas como el Sistema Integrado de Planejamento e Orçamento (SIOP) y el Siga Brasil, que indican las inversiones del gobierno federal en múltiples áreas de gestión, incluida la política social para combatir la violencia doméstica y familiar contra las mujeres. Como principales conclusiones obtenidas en este estudio, destacamos tres: 1. En Brasil, debido al resurgimiento del machismo y de la misoginia, hay una escalada continua de la violencia contra las mujeres en sus múltiples expresiones, con énfasis en las agresiones físicas y sexuales, así como los feminicidios. Para abordar el problema se ha formulado y operacionalizado una serie de medidas estatales escasas y fragmentadas, por lo que resultan insuficientes frente a la complejidad y alcance del fenómeno en cuestión; 2. En el escenario brasileño está en marcha una alianza cada vez más sólida entre el conservadurismo y el neoliberalismo. Para las mujeres, el resultado de esta combinación se ha materializado en ofensivas ideológicas y presupuestarias, con el fin de socavar derechos duramente conquistados, incluidas las inversiones en políticas sociales guiadas por dimensiones de género y raza; 3. Bajo los dictados del ajuste fiscal, hubo una devastadora subfinanciación de las políticas sociales para combatir la violencia contra las mujeres y promover la igualdad de género en el país, especialmente entre 2016 y 2022, lo que, en general, puso de relieve el lugar profundamente restringido de las mujeres en el presupuesto público federal, sobre todo en los gobiernos de Temer y Bolsonaro. Desde esta perspectiva, se infirió que el desfinanciamiento de las políticas para las mujeres no fue sólo una usurpación clasista de los fondos públicos, sino un saqueo teñido de fundamentos patriarcales y racistas.Doctoral Thesis Política de morte: a "guerra às drogas" e os fundamentos ideológicos do genocídio negro no Brasil(Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2024-12-06) Pinheiro, Samya Katiane Martins; Silva, Andrea Lima da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2628383920215926; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7100785963719289; Santos, Silvana Mara de Morais dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2706150547032239; Almeida, Janaiky Pereira de; Silva, Ana Paula Procópio da; Chagas, Bárbara da Rocha FigueiredoThe object of analysis in this study was the ideological foundations that permeate prohibitionist drug policy in Brazil and in Rio Grande do Norte (RN). The general objective was to analyze the relationship between the historical use of psychoactive substances and prohibitionism as an expression of structural racism in Brazil. The specific objectives were to analyze the ideological foundations underlying prohibitionist drug policy as an expression of conservatism and its consequences in Brazilian society and in RN; to examine data regarding violence and incarceration of the Black population in light of Brazilian drug policy; and to historically analyze the consequences of the “war on drugs” policy in Brazil. The investigation process was guided by a holistic perspective to grasp social relations, contributing to a critical reflection on the reality studied. The research had a quantitative and qualitative focus, with data gathered through literature review and document analysis. Among the findings, we identified that the side effects of psychoactive substance use, since the colonial period, are determined based on moral and hegemonically racist values, without scientific foundation, and that behind the “war on drugs” lies a “politics of death” that uses the prohibitionist discourse to justify mass incarceration, criminalization, and the death of Black people. Furthermore, in Brazil, bolsonarism strengthens the ideological dissemination of multiple strategies of criminalization, segregation, and increased violence, in favor of maintaining capitalism. In the context of Rio Grande do Norte, a state of latent public insecurity, we criticize the oligarchies that contribute to the suffering of the Black population in the face of structural racism. We conclude with the assertion that fighting against the “war on drugs” is fighting against Black genocide, which requires the strengthening of the anti-capitalist struggle.Master Thesis “Negro é a raiz da liberdade”: questão cultural, “questão social” e a consubstancialidade em Dona Ivone Lara(Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2025-02-24) Nagel, Thallyta Beatriz Bezerra dos Santos; Reis, Marcelo Braz Moraes dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7456350323134000; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8211754135565315; Silva, Andrea Lima da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2628383920215926; Pinheiro, Larissa Souza; Botelho, Marcos Paulo Oliveira; Ferreira, Verônica MariaThe purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the expressions of the dialectic between the “cultural issue” and the consubstantiality present in the life and work of singer-songwriter Dona Ivone Lara. We discuss popular culture as one of the main sources of struggle and resistance to capitalism, in a society where culture reproduces the ways of life and expressions of social classes’ artistic production. Through it, ideas and principles are directed towards legitimizing and strengthening the interests of the dominant classes. Especially in countries with dependent capitalism, the contradictions present in popular culture can express the interests of the subaltern classes, while also expressing elements of the dominant culture. In Brazil, samba is the musical genre that stands out in terms of its artistic representation of the way of life and interests of the working class, since it comes into being in the midst of a dialectical process that involves the foundations of the country's socio-economic, political and cultural formation, interwoven with the particular social relations of gender, race and class of a peripheral capitalism in a territory marked by colonial relations. In this way, through bibliographical and documentary research, with an exploratory bias and qualitative approach, we will analyze the socio-historical determinations of capitalist development in the formation of the Brazilian “cultural issue”. Using the historical-dialectical materialist method, we will look for manifestations of these elements in the artist's work, from a perspective of social totality, considering her artistic-cultural praxis as a form of counter-hegemonic cultural production representative of a specific way of life of the working class in Brazil. We have therefore carried out a study of how the determinants of Brazil's economic and social formation influence the development of a “cultural issue” in the country, expressed intensely in the production of samba, especially in the work of Dona Ivone Lara.Master Thesis A ofensiva da direita reacionária no Brasil: análise crítica sobre a política de direitos humanos no chão histórico de 2018-2022(Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2025-02-24) Xavier, Quitéria Gabriela Cabral; Santos, Silvana Mara de Morais dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2706150547032239; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1857-9589; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2458852570224501; Silva, Andrea Lima da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2628383920215926; Reis, Marcelo Braz Moraes dos; Sousa, Adrianyce Angélica Silva deThis dissertation aims to analyze the positions of the reactionary right in Brazil regarding human rights during the historical period from 2018 to 2022. The context we address is marked by the rise of Bolsonarism in the national political scene as a conservative reaction to the organic crisis that has affected the country over the past decade. In a tone contrary to the global scenario, characterized by the structural crisis of capital (Mészáros, 2002) and the rise of neoliberalism, which has impacted the crisis of left-wing forces, Brazil saw a leftwing presidential victory by the Workers’ Party (PT), resulting from alliances with centrist and right-wing sectors in an attempt at conciliation. However, this logic was completely undermined by the 2014 presidential elections, in which Dilma Rousseff's re-election opened the door for a resurgence of a resentful right with new expressions. What followed was shaped by electoral defeats suffered by political parties and left-wing segments, as well as the expansion of the right's influence in the state apparatus from 2018, with Jair Messias Bolsonaro, then affiliated with the Social Liberal Party (PSL), becoming president of the country. This project is grounded in a critical-dialectical analysis method, which seeks to unveil the contradictions of reality in its permanent motion. Accordingly, we engage in a theoretical-political discussion on the reactionary right in the country and its new strategies, as well as the challenges this scenario poses to the implementation of human rights policies in Brazil. For data collection, production, and analysis, we conduct documentary and budgetary analysis to support our investigation of the programs and projects of the Ministry of Human Rights and their restructuring throughout this historical process, using the 20162019 and 2020-2023 Multi-Year Plans. In our research, we encountered a scenario of chronic dismantling of policies related to human rights, both in the development of actions and in budget allocation, since their implementation as a ministerial axis. This dismantling is exacerbated by the strengthening of the political power of the reactionary right. As we highlight in this study, despite being forged with new elements, what is known as the new right is, in fact, the extreme expression of a new reactionary and resentful right. Theoretical production on the inflections of this reactionary right, particularly at its peak during the Bolsonaro administration concerning human rights, is indispensable for Social Work in the theoretical, political, and budgetary fields. Knowledge production is a crucial tool for understanding reality, especially in grasping the profound impacts of ultraconservatism and its influence on policies aimed at women, families, and human rights.Master Thesis "Sempre os outros ditaram o que eu sou, eu sempre estive refém": implicações da ofensiva conservadora para a saúde mental da população LGBTI+ no Brasil(Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2025-02-19) Silva, Jardson; Santos, Silvana Mara de Morais dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2706150547032239; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2565-1526; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3248863806624530; Silva, Andrea Lima da; Uchôa, Roberta SalazarThe conservative offensive consolidated through the 2016 parliamentary coup in Brazil, the rise of Bolsonaro (PL) to the presidency in 2018, and the construction of Bolsonarism, has impacted the various dimensions of social life. Its repercussions can be identified in the various retractions of rights that the working class has experienced in recent years, as well as through the resurgence of expressions of violence that materialize the processes of exploitation/oppression in different forms, such as through the increase in the genocide of the black population, femicide and hate crimes against the LGBTI+ population. For people who direct their affective-sexual life outside of cisheterosexuality, sociocultural and historical elements, based on the structure of capitalist, racist and cisheteropatriarchal society, deepen the scenario of violence and violation of rights, which, associated with the advancement of the neoliberal-conservative project, accentuate the processes of psychological suffering of these individuals, since there is a reality of prejudice, discrimination, death, fear, dehumanization and oppression. In this sense, we aim with this dissertation to analyze the implications of the conservative offensive and the reproduction of violence, in the context of Brazilian capitalist, racist and cisheteropatriarchal society, for the mental health of the LGBTI+ population. As specific objectives, we seek to understand the process of conservative offensive orchestrated by the rise of Bolsonarism in Brazil and its consequences for the LGBTI+ population; to identify the expressions of violence against LGBTI+ people, the main violating agents and their relationship with the processes of psychological suffering; to investigate the relationship between the living and existence conditions of the LGBTI+ population and the production of psychological suffering; and to analyze the impacts of LGBTIphobic violence on the mental health of these individuals. To this end, anchored in historical-dialectical materialism, we present a quantitative-qualitative study, in which we resorted to bibliographic and documentary research and semi-structured interviews, which were conducted with users of the Municipal LGBT Citizenship Center of Natal/RN. Regarding the documentary analysis, we used data from the Reports on Violent Deaths of LGBTI+ and the Dossier on Deaths and Violence against LGBTI+, produced, respectively, by the Gay Group of Bahia and the Observatory of Deaths and Violence against LGBTI+ in Brazil, with the time frame from 2018 to 2023. In view of this, we learned that the conservative offensive, by propagating hate speech, violence and revitalizing a political agenda of setbacks, delegitimizes sexual and gender diversity, aspects that, based on the material bases of this sociability, impact not only the reproduction of LGBTIphobic violence, but also the subjectivity of these individuals, since these are dimensions that are conditioned by the objective conditions that shape social relations. It is noted, therefore, that this scenario produces suffering forged in the constant violations of rights, requiring that the fight for mental health be not dissociated from the horizon of overcoming this sociability.